I. THE AMERICAS TO 1500
Essay Contents
I.Introducing Methodology in the History Curriculum
This period, which deals with the world the Indians knew before
the arrival of European explorers, poses difficulties flowing mostly from
the lack of the usual evidentiary foundation for doing history: written
documents (for example, letters, speeches, treaties, constitutions, laws,
books, newspapers, magazines, almanacs). This lack need not be a major
obstacle to historical study, however. Indeed, one of the most important
things we can accomplish in teaching this period is devising ways to give
students a sense of the spectrum of methods that historians use to
investigate and understand the past. We can give students a sense of the
breadth and depth of the historian's task and the remarkable array of
tools and techniques available to the historian to find out about the
past.
In seeking to understand the first human beings who settled North
and South America either 15,000 or 40,000 years ago (the dates are a
matter of vigorous historical dispute), historians use some or all of the
following:
- archaeology (digs for artifacts, examinations of burial sites,
close study of ancient constructions such as the cliff dwellings
of the western United States, or the mounds left by the
mound-builder peoples of the southeastern United States);
- comparative religion and folklore -- the study of creation myths,
legends, and folktales told by Indian peoples;
- medicine -- tracing such biological factors as human bloodtypes
to show how different peoples (the Aztec, the Comanche, the
Seminole, the Kwakiutl) may well share a common ancestry, or
studying the differing responses of Indian and European peoples to
diseases to illustrate how contact between the cultures
occasionally proved fatal to the indigenous culture;
- geology, climatology, and ecology -- to reconstruct the land as
the Indians found it, to identify the ways they lived off the land
and in harmony with it, and to provide a basis for comparison
between Indian and European understandings of the relationship
between human beings and the natural world;
- linguistics -- to trace the origins and development of Indian
languages and the genealogy of Indian language families;
- anthropology -- to identify shared cultural elements and cultural
distinctions between Indian peoples;
- and even "conventional" techniques of history -- e.g., close
interpretation of such historical documents as Thomas Jefferson's
Notes on the State of Virginia, George Catlin's Manners, Customs,
and Conditions of the North American Indians (both text and
illustrations) or James Mooney's anthropological treatise The
Ghost Dance Religion, in order to sort out the facts of how
American Indians lived and saw themselves as distinct from how
European travellers saw them.
One last preliminary question: What is a culture? What do we
mean when we talk about a given people's culture? James Axtell has
provided a definition of culture that, in many ways, illustrates the
problems of grappling with this slippery concept:
A culture is an idealized pattern of meanings, values, and norms
differentially shared by the members of a society, which can be
inferred from the non-instinctive behavior of the group and from the
symbolic products of their actions, including material a artifacts,
language, and social institutions.
The following reworking of Axtell's definition may make it more accessible
and useful:
A culture is the body of ideas, ways of looking at the world,
values, and standards for conduct and behavior that a given people or
nation hold in common. It includes the range of meanings that people
assign to their own perceptions and behavior, as well as to the
natural world around them. We can define the elements of that
culture, and understand how they fit together as a culture, by
examining that people's customs, language, religion, material
artifacts, and social and political institutions.
That Indian peoples lacked some of the elements of European culture (for
example, the wheel, firearms, horses, the Roman Catholic or Protestant
Christian faiths) led many Europeans and their descendants to conclude --
erroneously -- that the Indians had no culture at all, or at least none
that Europeans were bound to respect. This perception has, as noted above
and emphasized below, distorted most later accounts of Indian history. In
studying the Indians of the Americas, the first task that a modern
scholar or teacher must carry out is to clear the ground of the discarded
rubble of former "scholarship."
II. Indian History and Culture
We begin American history with a great mystery and a great
challenge. The mystery surrounds the people who were standing on the
shores of the American continents and the Caribbean islands when the
European explorers landed there -- by some recent estimates , over ten
million people in South America and about four million in the region of
North America that became the United States. Who were they? Where did
they come from? What were they like?
Too often in the past, the Indians have been part of the
background for the grand, sanitized pageant of "discovery and settlement"
-- the American continents have appeared in older histories as "empty,"
waiting for settlement, despite the presence of mill ions of indigenous
inhabitants. Even when historians have acknowledged Indians' sufferings
at the hands of European colonizers and conquerors, or their role in
aiding or even saving those colonists, they are largely voiceless; we see
them and hear them through European eyes and ears.
We all are aware just how controversial and difficult it is to do
justice to Indian history and culture. For one thing, there is no clear
agreement even as to what we are to call the peoples who originally
populated the Americas. As the leading colonial ethnohistorian James
Axtell has pointed out, most Native Americans now prefer the term
"Indians," even though we all know how it evolved as a misnomer rooted in
Columbus's misunderstanding of geography.
As noted above, many Indians left no historical evidence of the
conventional documentary sort -- no narratives, no accounts of their
people's pasts with exact names and dates, no treatises on their
governance, agriculture, economy, or religion. How then do we tell their
stories and understand them for themselves?
Second, for the most part, we have left the study of Indians to
anthropologists and ethnologists. This is not to denigrate their work --
but, when we avail ourselves of it, we risk being caught in a painful
bind. The implicit message of much of the older work of this type, of
many "eyewitness" accounts of the period from 1492 through 1890, and even
of the idea that a people can be studied usefully only through scholarly
disciplines usually applied to "primitive" peoples, is that Indians are
somehow inferior to European. The corollary to this message is that, as
"primitive" peoples, the Indians either "deserved" conquest by the
Europeans, or needed to be "civilized" by the Europeans, or both.
To guard against this tendency, we should recall the warning of
Claude Levi-Strauss, quoted by Alvin Josephy at the beginning of his
classic book The Indian Heritage of America:
A PRIMITIVE PEOPLE IS NOT A BACKWARD OR RETARDED PEOPLE; INDEED IT MAY POSSESS A GENIUS FOR INVENTION OR ACTION THAT LEAVES THE
ACHIEVEMENTS OF CIVILIZED PEOPLES FAR BEHIND.
While it is tempting to lump the Indians together as one people,
and while most students may come into the class with that way of thinking
firmly in place, we have to make certain that we recognize the
extraordinary spectrum of diverse peoples, cultures, languages, customs,
traditions, economies, and forms of society and government that compose
the history of the Indian peoples of the Americas. As many significant
differences -- in geographical location, language, politics, economics,
religion, and cult culture -- distinguish the Mohawk from the Cherokee, the
Sioux from the Seminoles, the Apaches from the Inuit, the Kwakiutl from
the Mandan, the Maya from the Pueblo, the Inca from the Aztec, as
distinguish the French from the Uzbeks, the Welsh from the Norwegians , or
the Serbs from the Croats.
Also, as noted above, there is the problem of the stereotype of
these peoples as "primitive." Certainly, many European explorers thought
that Indians were primitive because they did not hold European ideas of
the appropriate relations between human beings and land or natural
resources -- ideas of dominion, ownership, and property. That view
persisted well into the twentieth century.
But the failure to hold European views or ideas does not imply an
absence of one's own views or ideas. Whatever the range of differences
among them, the Indian peoples had their own histories and cultures, their
own understandings of how to live in the world, their own systems of
governance and law. Not only are these understandings, at least, worthy
of respectful study -- they often can prove enlightening in and of
themselves:
- Indian religion recognized the unity of all living things and
taught reverence for life and for the earth. But the exact nature of
Indian religious beliefs is still a matter of historical and cultural
controversy -- was it a simple pantheism (seeing gods everywhere in
everything) or a more sophisticated and structured set of beliefs
recognizing a hierarchy of tutelary spirits and a single, overarching
creator or "Great Spirit?"
- Indian ideas about property are closely tied in certain key
respects to their religion. For example, Indians believed for several
reasons -- reverence for the earth, the equation of the earth with nature
or air, and the tendency to think in communal rather than individualistic
terms -- that it was silly or beside the point to talk of owning land.
Exclusive possession of a given tract of land seemed outlandish to them,
even though it was the core of the English common law. And yet, Indians
believed that a person could own the products of the land; for example, a
farmer could own his crops, hunters could own the fruits of their hunting,
and those who made artifacts could own them. In addition, some Indian
peoples believed that you could manipulate the environment in limited
ways without forcing fundamental changes in it -- for example, by burning
trees to create grasslands rich in game.
- Indian ideas about government once were dismissed by most Western
observers as primitive or even savage -- though, of course, there were
notable exceptions, including Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson.
Today, by contrast, most scholars who study Indians treat their ideas
about government and politics with as much respect as their colleagues
devote to the study of the Founding Fathers, John Locke, or the
constitutional jurisprudence of the United States Supreme Court. Some
Indian peoples, such as those of the Iroquois Confederation, did possess
what we would recognize as democratic methods of governance, emphasizing
reasoned deliberation, fostering political argument and oratory,
recognizing the participation of women in politics, devising parallels to
what we call federalism, and stressing the need for supermajorities,
consensus, or even unanimity in reaching key decisions. Other peoples,
such as the Inca of Peru or the Maya and the Aztec of Mexico, created vast
empires whose authority was grounded in religion and which exerted almost
totalitarian power over their subjects equal in efficiency to that of any
European empire.
- Indian ideas about law are similarly different from European
ideas, but recent scholars, such as Professor John Phillip Reid of New
York University Law School, have come to recognize that Indian peoples did
possess legal systems, even without written codes of laws, records of
judicial decisions, or formal systems of legislatures and courts. We need
not explore this issue in depth; it is enough to say that they had laws
grounded in customs, and that these customary systems of laws served such
peoples as the Cherokee very well.
- Indian achievements in science and technology were considerable,
and even now receive respectful study by historians of architecture,
astronomy, and agriculture. The Mayan calendar was at least as accurate
as calendars devised by Europeans, and Mayan astronomical observations are
sophisticated and accurate enough to be used by astronomers and historians
of astronomy to test the work and confirm the observations of European
astronomers. And yet, by the time the Europeans first came to the
Americas, no indigenous American society or culture had yet developed the
use of wheeled vehicles. (The Indians' failure to discover the wheel is
not a measure of scientific, technological, or cultural "backwardness."
All it proves is that different societies pursue e science and technology
in different ways, and that technological insights such as the wheel are
not inevitable.)
- Indian economies were shaped by their geography, climate, and
ecology. As noted above, some Indian peoples were primarily hunters and
grazers, while others were primarily agricultural, and still others
possessed complex, sophisticated, and successful mixed economies that
rivaled European economic systems.
One last point: Again, all these areas remain controversial in
the extreme, implicating as they do such disputes as whether Indian
peoples are "primitive" and whether the concept of "primitive" is useful
or even appropriate in analyzing a different people's culture and way of
life.
Further, as we see in essay II, a complicating factor in the study
of the Americas before the arrival of European explorers and settlers is
the idea -- widely circulated and discussed during the 500the anniversary
of Columbus's arrival in the "New World" -- that the Europeans
dispossessed the rightful inhabitants of these continents, and that all
later American civilization and history, however notable and estimable its
achievements and ideals, is based on a colossal series of acts of
expropriation, fraud , and genocide.
Introduction |
Table of Contents |
Essay I |
Essay II |
Essay III |
Essay IV |
Essay V |
Essay VI |
Essay VII |
Essay VIII |
Essay IX |
Essay X |
Essay XI |
Essay XII